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RC Passage
Direction for the questions 5 to 8: The passage below is accompanied by a set of four questions. Choose the best answer to each question.
For the Maya of the Classic period, who lived in Southern Mexico and Central America between 250 and 900 CE, the category of âpersonsâ was not coincident with human beings, as it is for us. That is, human beings were persons - but other, nonhuman entities could be persons, too. . . . In order to explore the slippage of categories between âhumansâ and âpersonsâ, I examined a very specific category of ancient Maya images, found painted in scenes on ceramic vessels. I sought out instances in which faces (some combination of eyes, nose, and mouth) are shown on inanimate objects. . . . Consider my iPhone, which needs to be fed with electricity every night, swaddled in a protective bumper, and enjoys communicating with other fellow-phonebeings. Does it have personhood (if at all) because it is connected to me, drawing this resource from me as an owner or source? For the Maya (who did have plenty of other communicating objects, if not smartphones), the answer was no. Nonhuman persons were not tethered to specific humans, and they did not derive their personhood from a connection with a human. . . . Itâs a profoundly democratising way of understanding the world. Humans are not more important persons - we are just one of many kinds of persons who inhabit this world. . . .
The Maya saw personhood as âactivatedâ by experiencing certain bodily needs and through participation in certain social activities. For example, among the faced objects that I examined, persons are marked by personal requirements (such as hunger, tiredness, physical closeness), and by community obligations (communication, interaction, ritual observance). In the images I examined, we see, for instance, faced objects being cradled in humansâ arms; we also see them speaking to humans. These core elements of personhood are both turned inward, what the body or self of a person requires, and outward, what a community expects of the persons who are a part of it, underlining the reciprocal nature of community membership. .
Personhood was a nonbinary proposition for the Maya. Entities were able to be persons while also being something else. The faced objects I looked at indicate that they continue to be functional, doing what objects do (a stone implement continues to chop, an incense burner continues to do its smoky work). Furthermore, the Maya visually depicted many objects in ways that indicated the material category to which they belonged - drawings of the stone implement show that a person-tool is still made of stone. One additional complexity: the incense burner (which would have been made of clay, and decorated with spiky appliques representing the sacred ceiba tree found in this region) is categorised as a person - but also as a tree. With these Maya examples, we are challenged to discard the person/nonperson binary that constitutes our basic ontological outlook. . . . The porousness of boundaries that we have seen in the Maya world points towards the possibility of living with a certain uncategorisability of the world.
RC Line-wise Explanation
Paragraph 1
"For the Maya of the Classic period, who lived in Southern Mexico and Central America between 250 and 900 CE, the category of âpersonsâ was not coincident with human beings, as it is for us."
Explanation: The ancient Maya people did not limit the idea of a "person" to just human beings, unlike modern views.
"That is, human beings were persons - but other, nonhuman entities could be persons, too."
Explanation: While all humans were considered persons, other beings or objects could also be seen as persons.
"In order to explore the slippage of categories between âhumansâ and âpersonsâ, I examined a very specific category of ancient Maya images, found painted in scenes on ceramic vessels."
Explanation: The author studied Maya pottery images to understand how the line between humans and persons was blurred.
"I sought out instances in which faces (some combination of eyes, nose, and mouth) are shown on inanimate objects."
Explanation: They looked for pictures where lifeless objects were given human-like faces.
"Consider my iPhone, which needs to be fed with electricity every night, swaddled in a protective bumper, and enjoys communicating with other fellow-phonebeings."
Explanation: The author compares this idea to how we treat phones like living thingsâthey need power, care, and âsocialize.â
"Does it have personhood (if at all) because it is connected to me, drawing this resource from me as an owner or source?"
Explanation: The author questions whether an object becomes a person only because it's connected to a human.
"For the Maya (who did have plenty of other communicating objects, if not smartphones), the answer was no."
Explanation: According to Maya belief, personhood did not come from an objectâs relationship to a human.
"Nonhuman persons were not tethered to specific humans, and they did not derive their personhood from a connection with a human."
Explanation: Nonhuman beings had their own personhood, independent of humans.
"Itâs a profoundly democratising way of understanding the world."
Explanation: This belief system treats all beings as equally valid persons.
"Humans are not more important persons - we are just one of many kinds of persons who inhabit this world."
Explanation: Humans are seen as only one category of person, not the highest or most important.
Paragraph 2
"The Maya saw personhood as âactivatedâ by experiencing certain bodily needs and through participation in certain social activities."
Explanation: For the Maya, personhood came from having physical needs and being part of social interactions.
"For example, among the faced objects that I examined, persons are marked by personal requirements (such as hunger, tiredness, physical closeness), and by community obligations (communication, interaction, ritual observance)."
Explanation: The objects shown as persons had traits like needing rest or food, and they participated in communal rituals.
"In the images I examined, we see, for instance, faced objects being cradled in humansâ arms; we also see them speaking to humans."
Explanation: The images depict these objects being held lovingly and even communicating with humans.
"These core elements of personhood are both turned inward, what the body or self of a person requires, and outward, what a community expects of the persons who are a part of it, underlining the reciprocal nature of community membership."
Explanation: Being a person involves both inner needs and outward responsibilities, showing a two-way relationship with society.
Paragraph 3
"Personhood was a nonbinary proposition for the Maya."
Explanation: The Maya did not see personhood as simply yes or no; it was a flexible concept.
"Entities were able to be persons while also being something else."
Explanation: Something could be both a tool or object and a person at the same time.
"The faced objects I looked at indicate that they continue to be functional, doing what objects do (a stone implement continues to chop, an incense burner continues to do its smoky work)."
Explanation: Even as persons, these objects still performed their regular, practical functions.
"Furthermore, the Maya visually depicted many objects in ways that indicated the material category to which they belonged - drawings of the stone implement show that a person-tool is still made of stone."
Explanation: Art showed that these âpersonâ objects still kept their physical nature, like a stone object still being shown as stone.
"One additional complexity: the incense burner (which would have been made of clay, and decorated with spiky appliques representing the sacred ceiba tree found in this region) is categorised as a person - but also as a tree."
Explanation: Some objects were considered not only persons, but also other thingsâlike a burner being both a person and a tree.
"With these Maya examples, we are challenged to discard the person/nonperson binary that constitutes our basic ontological outlook."
Explanation: These cases force us to rethink our belief that something is either a person or not.
"The porousness of boundaries that we have seen in the Maya world points towards the possibility of living with a certain uncategorisability of the world."
Explanation: The Maya way of thinking embraces blurred boundaries and the idea that not everything must fit into fixed categories.
RC Paragraph Explanation
Paragraph 1 Summary
The Maya believed that personhood extended beyond humans to nonhuman entities. Unlike modern views, Maya nonhuman persons were not defined by their relationship to humans but existed independently. This perspective presents a more inclusive and egalitarian way of viewing the world.
Paragraph 2 Summary
Maya personhood was defined by both individual needs and social participation. In images, person-like objects express hunger or tiredness and engage in rituals or communication, reflecting a deep integration into community life.
Paragraph 3 Summary
Maya personhood was nonbinary, allowing entities to be both functional objects and persons simultaneously. Some were even depicted as belonging to multiple categories, challenging modern rigid distinctions and encouraging a more fluid view of identity and existence.
RC Quick Table Summary
Paragraph Number | Main Idea |
---|---|
Paragraph 1 | The Maya viewed personhood as extending beyond humans to independent nonhumans. |
Paragraph 2 | Personhood was defined by both personal needs and social responsibilities. |
Paragraph 3 | Maya beliefs embraced fluid identities, allowing objects to be persons and more. |

RC Questions
Ques 5. Which one of the following, if true about the Classic Maya, would invalidate the purpose of the iPhone example in the passage?
Ques 6. Which one of the following best explains the âadditional complexityâ that the example of the incense burner illustrates regarding personhood for the Classic Maya?t
Ques 7. On the basis of the passage, which one of the following worldviews can be inferred to be closest to that of the Classic Maya?
Ques 8. Which one of the following, if true, would not undermine the democratising potential of the Classic Maya worldview?